Enhancing Naval Capability: India's Strategic Response to the Growing Chinese Presence in the Indian Ocean - International Defense Security & Technology

The Strategic Imperative

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is of critical strategic and economic importance to India, facilitating approximately 95% of its trade volume and 68% of its trade value. Traditionally seen as India’s maritime backyard, this region has witnessed an unprecedented surge in Chinese naval deployments and infrastructural influence under the guise of the Belt and Road Initiative. China’s expanding “String of Pearls” strategy, which includes dual-use ports in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Myanmar, and East Africa, represents a concerted effort to encircle India and assert dominance in the IOR. Combined with the forward basing of stealth aircraft like the J-20 near the Line of Actual Control (LAC), and regular patrols by nuclear and diesel-electric submarines in India’s maritime neighborhood, this expansion has compelled New Delhi to recalibrate its naval doctrine and rapidly modernize its maritime forces to secure national interests and uphold regional stability. This blog delves into the various measures India is undertaking to bolster its maritime strength and secure its dominance in the Indian Ocean.

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR), encompassing the territories of 22 member nations of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) along with key countries like Myanmar, Pakistan, and Djibouti, is of immense strategic importance. The escalating presence of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) in these waters poses significant challenges to regional stability and security, especially for India. To counter this growing threat, India is significantly enhancing its naval capabilities and fostering international collaborations.

The Expanding Chinese Naval Threat

The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has emerged as the largest navy in the world in terms of ship numbers, rapidly transforming from a coastal defense force into a blue-water navy with global reach. Over the last decade, China has aggressively modernized its fleet, commissioning advanced platforms such as the Type 075 amphibious assault ships, Type 055 guided missile cruisers, and Jin-class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs). This expansion reflects Beijing’s ambition to assert maritime dominance and secure strategic interests far beyond its immediate neighborhood.

In the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), China maintains a near-continuous presence of seven to eight naval vessels, including surface combatants and submarines. The strategic deployment of its Type 039A Yuan-class diesel-electric submarines and nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) demonstrates China’s intention to secure sea lanes critical to its energy imports and establish maritime influence in the IOR. The establishment of China’s first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017 and continued development of port infrastructure across the region—from Gwadar in Pakistan to Hambantota in Sri Lanka—signal a broader effort to encircle India and expand the PLAN’s forward-operating capabilities.

India views this increasing naval activity with deep concern. The Indian Navy has responded by bolstering maritime surveillance and deploying around 50 combat-ready warships for persistent monitoring of the Indian Ocean. Strategic installations such as the Andaman and Nicobar Command and assets like the P-8I maritime patrol aircraft play a central role in tracking Chinese submarine movements. Indian defense officials have consistently highlighted the threat posed by PLAN submarines, particularly their stealth and endurance, which complicate detection and interception efforts and challenge regional maritime stability.

China’s expanding military footprint is reinforced by its growing partnerships with India’s neighbors. Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Beijing has gained influence in countries such as Pakistan, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), with Gwadar port as its maritime anchor, provides Beijing direct access to the Arabian Sea, bypassing the vulnerable Strait of Malacca. These projects often include dual-use infrastructure, enabling both commercial and military utilization. China’s ability to dock PLAN vessels at these strategic locations poses a direct challenge to India’s sphere of influence and naval supremacy in the IOR.

Beijing’s strategy in the IOR is a sophisticated blend of economic leverage, military expansion, and diplomatic engagement. By building infrastructure and establishing defense ties with coastal states, China secures access to key chokepoints and ensures the safe passage of its maritime trade. With its logistics base in Djibouti already operational and other facilities likely under negotiation, China is solidifying its position as a resident power in the Indian Ocean. In response, India is not only strengthening its naval deterrent but also expanding cooperation with like-minded regional and global partners such as the United States, Japan, Australia, and France to maintain a rules-based maritime order.

India’s Strategic Maritime Response to China’s Expanding Naval Footprint

India has taken a multi-pronged approach to counter China’s increasing assertiveness in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), focusing on strengthening maritime partnerships, modernizing its naval force, and promoting indigenous capability development.

Central to this strategy is strengthening its strategic autonomy through diversified defense engagements. The lease of a nuclear-powered Akula-class submarine from Russia, participation in trilateral naval drills like IBSAMAR with Brazil and South Africa, and expanding maritime diplomacy under the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) initiative reflect India’s determination to build a global network of maritime partnerships. These alliances serve to deter unilateral assertions by China and promote a rules-based maritime order, particularly as India asserts its leadership role across the IOR.

A forward-looking element of India’s strategy is the integration of unmanned systems across naval operations. At the ‘Swavlamban 2022’ conclave, Vice Chief of Naval Staff Vice Admiral S.N. Ghormade unveiled the Navy’s first unclassified Unmanned Systems Roadmap, signaling India’s commitment to deploying underwater drones, UAVs, and fixed-wing unmanned platforms for surveillance, early warning, strike missions, and air-to-air refueling. The Indian Navy is also working toward integrating these systems across surface vessels, aircraft carriers, and helicopters. This roadmap aims to provide clear guidance to domestic industry partners and startups, ensuring that India’s unmanned warfare capabilities evolve in line with its strategic needs.

Complementing operational modernization is the Indian Navy’s bold vision for self-reliance under the Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative. Chief of Naval Staff Admiral R. Hari Kumar has set the goal of complete self-reliance by 2047, aligning with India’s centenary of independence. He underscored that true autonomy requires not only manufacturing hulls but also mastering propulsion, weapons systems, sensors, and command-and-control components domestically. The Navy has already achieved approximately 95% self-reliance in the ‘float’ domain, and is making steady progress in the ‘move’ (65%) and ‘fight’ (55%) segments. The emphasis now is on expanding indigenous capability in areas like radar systems, missile launchers, and electronic warfare.

To facilitate this transformation, the Navy is fostering innovation through the Naval Innovation and Indigenisation Organisation (NIIO) and actively partnering with MSMEs and startups. Companies like Nibe Ltd, which manufactures BrahMos missile launchers, are examples of how Indian industry is being mobilized to meet cutting-edge defense demands. Platforms such as defense-specific webinars, challenges, and industry interactions are being used to crowdsource technological solutions that address the Navy’s real-world operational needs. This holistic approach—combining strategic partnerships, high-tech modernization, and a strong push for self-reliance—demonstrates India’s resolve to secure its maritime future and act as a net security provider in the Indo-Pacific.

Naval Modernization: Strengthening Surface and Subsurface Supremacy

India has responded to these growing challenges by accelerating its naval modernization, with a focus on both surface combatants and undersea warfare. India’s naval modernization efforts are intensifying in response to China’s substantial naval superiority, particularly underscored by China’s fleet size and capabilities. China maintains a formidable submarine force with over 70 submarines, including advanced nuclear-powered and diesel attack submarines, dwarfing India’s fleet of fewer than 20 submarines. This numerical advantage poses a significant challenge, prompting India to pursue advanced technologies such as multistatic sonar systems, Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (AUVs), and sophisticated anti-submarine warfare capabilities to effectively counter the Chinese submarine threat in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

In February 2019, India’s Defense Ministry approved a $5.6 billion project to build six advanced submarines under a strategic partnership model, aimed at bolstering its undersea capabilities. This initiative is crucial as part of India’s broader naval expansion plans, which include the construction of 56 new ships and submarines to replace aging vessels and enhance its naval strength over the next decade. Despite both nations adhering to a ‘no first-use’ nuclear policy, China’s larger fleet, particularly its fleet of second-generation nuclear-powered submarines equipped with ballistic missiles, gives it a significant advantage in the sea-based nuclear domain compared to India’s limited fleet capability.

Fleet Expansion and Modernization

The Indian Navy has significantly ramped up its fleet, focusing on acquiring state-of-the-art warships, submarines, and aircraft. The commissioning of the indigenously built aircraft carrier INS Vikrant, along with the development of advanced stealth frigates and nuclear-powered submarines, underscores India’s commitment to enhancing its blue-water capabilities.

India’s defense ministry approved a $5.6 billion project in 2019 to build six advanced submarines under a strategic partnership model. The Indian Navy is also set to strengthen its fleet with 56 new ships and submarines over the next decade, including fleet ships, submarines, and mine sweepers. The construction of the INS Vishakhapatnam-class destroyers and the acquisition of advanced Talwar-class frigates from Russia are key components of this expansion.

A long-standing goal to induct 24 submarines by 2030 has been hampered by delays, leaving the Navy with just 16 conventional submarines and two nuclear ballistic missile submarines. While the successful induction of six Scorpene-class submarines under Project 75 has bolstered India’s subsurface capabilities, the much-needed Project 75I, aimed at acquiring six new air-independent propulsion (AIP) submarines, remains stalled due to a single-vendor procurement dilemma involving Germany’s TKMS and Spain’s Navantia.

On August 29, 2024, India commissioned its second Arihant-class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine, INS Arighaat, at Visakhapatnam, further strengthening the country’s nuclear triad and strategic deterrence. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh lauded the achievement as a milestone in India’s journey toward self-reliance (Aatmanirbharta) in defence, praising the synergy between the Indian Navy, DRDO, and industry, especially MSMEs, which contributed to the submarine’s indigenous development and generated employment.

INS Arighaat features significant technological advancements over its predecessor, INS Arihant, thanks to indigenous R&D, complex engineering, and the use of advanced materials. With the commissioning of this platform, India bolsters its undersea second-strike capability, reinforcing national security and helping maintain regional strategic balance and peace. The commissioning of INS Arighat, the second of four Arihant-class SSBNs, significantly strengthens India’s nuclear deterrence and counters China’s expanding strategic presence in the Indian Ocean.

China’s naval supremacy extends beyond submarines to include aircraft carriers, destroyers, and frigates, where it maintains a substantial numerical edge over India. With two operational aircraft carriers and a robust fleet of destroyers and frigates armed with advanced missile systems, China’s naval power projection capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region are formidable.

In contrast, India operates a single aircraft carrier, INS Vikramaditya, and is in the process of enhancing its surface combatant capabilities with new destroyer classes like the Visakhapatnam-class (Project 15B) and frigates such as the Talwar-class imported from Russia. India’s naval modernization program is at the forefront of its strategy to counter Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean.

Nevertheless, 2025 marked a turning point with the simultaneous commissioning of three strategic warships: INS Surat, India’s first AI-powered guided missile destroyer; INS Nilgiri, a stealth frigate from the Project 17A series; and INS Vagsheer, the final Scorpene submarine with enhanced stealth and strike capabilities. These additions reflect India’s broader goal of fielding a 175-warship-strong blue-water navy, with nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) on the drawing board to ensure persistent dominance across the IOR.

Enhancing Anti-Submarine Warfare Capabilities

The Indian Navy is significantly enhancing its anti-submarine warfare capabilities with the acquisition of 24 Sikorsky MH-60R helicopters, replacing its aging Sea King ASW fleet by 2024. These helicopters will be equipped with advanced systems tailored for Indian military needs, including the AN/AQS-22 Airborne Low-Frequency Sonar (ALFS) and AN/APS-153(V) multi-mode radar. Additionally, India continues to leverage its Boeing P-8I maritime patrol aircraft, equipped with Harpoon Block-II missiles and MK-54 lightweight torpedoes, to monitor Chinese submarine activities in the Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea. The P-8Is play a crucial role in India’s naval strategy, offering both surveillance capabilities and a deterrent presence.

In parallel, the Indian Navy commissioned the INS Kavaratti, the fourth and final indigenously built Anti-Submarine Warfare stealth corvette, in October 2020. Despite their capability, these vessels lack critical equipment such as towed array sonars and surface-to-air missiles, limiting their operational autonomy without air defense support from other missile-equipped ships. Moreover, India is set to further bolster its anti-submarine capabilities with the addition of four more P-8I Poseidon aircraft, dubbed “submarine killers,” underscoring its response to heightened Chinese naval activities in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). These developments highlight India’s proactive approach in fortifying its maritime defenses against regional strategic challenges.

Indigenous Innovation: Stealth and Counter-Stealth Breakthroughs

India is also focusing on technological advancements and indigenous development to enhance its naval capabilities. The unveiling of the ‘Unmanned Roadmap’ aims to integrate unmanned aerial and underwater vehicles into the navy’s operations. The commissioning of INS Kavaratti, an indigenously built ASW stealth corvette, reflects India’s commitment to self-reliance in defense manufacturing.

India’s emphasis on self-reliance and technological innovation has fueled breakthroughs in stealth and counter-stealth capabilities. A notable development is the Anulakshya Metamaterial Surface Cloaking System, created by IIT Kanpur, which absorbs over 99% of radar waves in the 2–18 GHz range, effectively cloaking platforms from synthetic aperture radar. IIT Mandi’s radar-absorbing optical materials further extend stealth to aircraft canopies and onboard sensors, crucial for next-generation platforms like the AMCA stealth fighter.

To counter adversary stealth technologies, India has invested in high-frequency radar systems. The Surya VHF radar can detect low-observable targets with radar cross-sections as small as 0.001 m² at a range of 350 km. Additionally, trials are underway for a GaN-powered anti-stealth VHF-SR radar with a 400 km range. Strategically, India is pursuing the Russian Container-S (29B6) over-the-horizon (OTH) radar for deployment along the Himalayas. Capable of detecting stealth aircraft and hypersonic weapons beyond 3,000 km, it leverages ionospheric reflection to overcome terrain and curvature limitations—significantly expanding India’s early warning envelope.

Strategic Enablers: Surveillance, Awareness, and Long-Range Sensing

Effective surveillance and intelligence gathering are crucial for maintaining maritime dominance. India has invested in expanding its maritime domain awareness (MDA) capabilities through the deployment of advanced surveillance aircraft, drones, and satellite systems. The induction of platforms like the P-8I Poseidon aircraft and Sea Guardian drones has significantly enhanced India’s ability to monitor Chinese naval movements and secure critical sea lanes.

With maritime situational awareness now a cornerstone of naval strategy, India is investing in advanced sensing technologies and integrated domain awareness. The proposed acquisition of Russia’s Voronezh OTH radar—featuring a detection range of 6,000 to 8,000 km—will allow India to detect incoming ballistic and cruise missiles much earlier than current systems. With plans to position this radar in Chitradurga, Karnataka, and localize production via BEL and Tata under a 60% Make-in-India clause, the initiative blends strategic necessity with industrial empowerment.

On the maritime front, India’s Integrated Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) network continues to evolve through coastal radar installations across Indian Ocean littoral states and “white shipping” agreements to monitor commercial vessel movement. Satellite-based electronic intelligence (ELINT) platforms, similar to China’s Yaogon-class systems, are being deployed to track PLAN activity across chokepoints like the Malacca Strait and the Gulf of Aden, enabling real-time surveillance and threat tracking across India’s extended maritime neighborhood.

India’s collaboration with international partners extends to the realm of intelligence sharing. Agreements with countries like the United States and Japan facilitate the exchange of real-time information on Chinese naval activities, enabling India to respond swiftly to potential threats. The establishment of the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) further strengthens India’s MDA by fostering cooperation and information sharing among regional stakeholders.

Enhancing Maritime Security Operations

To address non-traditional security threats and ensure the safety of maritime trade routes, India has intensified its maritime security operations. Anti-piracy patrols, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief missions are integral components of India’s naval strategy. These operations not only safeguard India’s maritime interests but also contribute to regional stability and bolster India’s image as a responsible maritime power.

The Indian Navy’s proactive engagement in capacity-building initiatives with smaller Indian Ocean nations further underscores its commitment to regional security. Training programs, joint exercises, and the provision of maritime equipment enhance the capabilities of these nations, fostering a collaborative approach to countering common challenges.

Strengthening Naval Assets and Infrastructure

Additionally, India is investing heavily in upgrading its naval infrastructure. The development of strategically located naval bases, such as the ones in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, aims to provide India with a vantage point to monitor and respond to Chinese activities in the region. These bases, equipped with modern facilities and advanced surveillance systems, serve as critical nodes for maritime security operations.

Strategically, India’s Andaman and Nicobar Command plays a pivotal role in countering China’s naval activities, positioned strategically in the Andaman Sea to monitor the critical Malacca Strait through which a significant portion of Chinese imports transit. This geographical advantage strengthens India’s position in regional maritime security, potentially limiting China’s operational freedom in the Indian Ocean. As India continues to modernize and expand its naval capabilities, these efforts are essential for maintaining a credible deterrence and ensuring maritime stability in the face of China’s escalating naval presence and ambitions

Strategic Collaborations and Partnerships: Strengthening India’s Maritime Posture

India’s maritime strategy has increasingly relied on robust partnerships to bolster its regional influence and deter growing Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. Central to this effort is its strategic convergence with the United States and other Quad members—Japan and Australia. Foundational agreements like the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), and Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) have significantly enhanced India’s access to advanced U.S. technologies, geospatial intelligence, and overseas bases such as Diego Garcia and Djibouti. These developments have improved India’s operational reach and maritime domain awareness, enabling seamless information-sharing and joint mission planning across the Indo-Pacific theatre.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) has evolved into a strategic cornerstone of India’s Indo-Pacific vision. Through the Quad, India conducts high-profile naval exercises, most notably the Malabar series, which have expanded in complexity and participation. These exercises serve as a powerful display of unity and preparedness, underscoring the commitment of Quad partners to a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific. The Malabar exercises have incorporated anti-submarine warfare (ASW), electronic warfare, and coordinated carrier strike group operations, contributing to enhanced interoperability and collective deterrence against maritime coercion.

India has simultaneously expanded bilateral naval partnerships with key global and regional powers. With France, India engages in joint patrols in the Western Indian Ocean and shares strategic facilities like Reunion Island, while deepening defense-industrial cooperation. Ties with the United Kingdom have been reinvigorated through bilateral exercises like Konkan, and Russia remains a critical partner for submarine leasing, missile systems, and radar technologies. Engagements with Southeast Asian nations—notably Vietnam, Indonesia, and Singapore—focus on joint patrols, hydrographic cooperation, and capacity building, helping construct a regional maritime coalition to check China’s expanding footprint.

A notable aspect of Indo-U.S. naval synergy involves tracking Chinese submarines in the Indian Ocean. With China ramping up deployments of nuclear and AIP-powered submarines, India has opened select naval facilities to U.S. warships and surveillance aircraft in exchange for technology transfers and intelligence cooperation. The U.S. Navy’s experience in tracking Russian subs during the Cold War is proving invaluable as India boosts its undersea warfare capability. Parallel agreements with France, Singapore, and Japan are enhancing India’s forward posture, situational awareness, and strategic depth across key chokepoints, including the Straits of Malacca and the Andaman Sea.

The Malabar exercises, a linchpin of India’s naval diplomacy, have grown from a bilateral drill in 1992 to a multilateral strategic exercise incorporating carrier strike groups, submarine hunting operations, and air-sea combat integration. The 2018 edition off Guam marked its first execution in the Western Pacific, emphasizing power projection and high-end warfighting. The 2021 edition, amid heightened tensions with China, saw India deploy Sukhoi-30MKIs, P-8I aircraft, AWACS, and frontline warships alongside the USS Ronald Reagan Carrier Strike Group, F-18 Super Hornets, and E-2C Hawkeyes. Exercises included cross-deck helicopter operations, air defense maneuvers, and anti-submarine drills, reinforcing combat readiness and tactical synchronization. These evolving exercises demonstrate India’s intent to move beyond regional patrols and embrace a blue-water navy posture in alliance with like-minded partners.

Beyond the Quad, India has expanded its regional maritime diplomacy through the MAHASAGAR initiative. Exercises like AIKEYME 2025 with African littoral states aim to strengthen counter-piracy operations, while investments in Agaléga (Mauritius) and Chabahar (Iran) offer alternatives to Chinese-dominated logistics hubs. India also maintains a pragmatic relationship with Russia, acquiring advanced defense systems like the S-400 and Akula-class submarines. Despite Western sanctions, rupee-ruble mechanisms have sustained this vital military supply line, ensuring continued access to niche technologies.

Broader Collaborative Framework: Building a Networked Indo-Pacific Security Architecture

India’s maritime strategy in the Indo-Pacific is increasingly anchored in multilateral frameworks and bilateral agreements that enhance strategic interoperability, logistical reach, and coordinated deterrence. Chief among these is the Quad alliance, comprising India, the United States, Japan, and Australia. A notable milestone came in June 2020, when India and Australia signed the Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) and the Defence Science and Technology Implementing Arrangement. These accords permit reciprocal access to military bases for refueling, repairs, and replenishment—deepening defense cooperation and creating a logistical backbone to support operations across the Indian Ocean and South China Sea. As part of the Quad’s strategic calculus, this partnership enables both India and Australia to jointly monitor Chinese naval movements and, in conflict scenarios, potentially hinder the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s (PLAN) freedom of maneuver.

India and Australia’s growing naval synergy has been operationalized through joint maritime exercises, including two-day drills in the Eastern Indian Ocean featuring anti-air warfare training, helicopter cross-deck operations, and surface combat coordination. These exercises not only boost tactical interoperability but also send a powerful signal of collective resolve in the face of Beijing’s increasing assertiveness. For India, expanding strategic convergence within the Quad is not just about real-time military readiness—it’s a deliberate effort to delay and dilute China’s dominance in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) while reinforcing the normative order underpinning a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). Beijing, for now, appears to tacitly acknowledge the U.S. Navy’s primacy in the Indian Ocean, even as it rapidly modernizes its fleet and builds partnerships across the Global South.

A similar dynamic is playing out in India-Vietnam military cooperation, which has entered a new phase with an agreement that allows reciprocal use of naval and air bases for maintenance and resupply. This pact not only boosts Vietnam’s access to Indian defense technologies but also grants India a strategic footprint closer to the South China Sea—an increasingly contested maritime space. India has long been a reliable defense partner for Vietnam, supplying patrol vessels, training personnel, and now expanding technology transfers to support Vietnam’s military modernization. The arrangement underscores India’s emergence as a credible arms supplier and strategic enabler, offering Southeast Asian partners a non-coercive alternative to Chinese defense deals under the Belt and Road Initiative.

These growing webs of maritime cooperation carry significant geopolitical implications. The United States, through its Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy, has played a pivotal role in reshaping naval geopolitics—particularly by enhancing anti-submarine warfare coordination with India to monitor Chinese SSNs in the Indian Ocean. The fusion of advanced U.S. ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) assets with India’s geographical advantage provides a critical edge in identifying and tracking PLAN deployments across chokepoints like the Straits of Malacca, Sunda, and Lombok. As the Indo-Pacific becomes a key theater for strategic rivalry, this coalition-centric approach elevates India’s status as a net security provider in the region.

Ultimately, India’s evolving naval partnerships with Australia, Vietnam, France, Japan, and the United States form the bedrock of a broader maritime deterrence architecture. This multipolar alignment not only offsets the asymmetry with China’s naval build-up but also strengthens the resilience of smaller Indo-Pacific nations to resist coercion. By coupling military agreements with capacity building, technology transfer, and joint surveillance initiatives, India is reinforcing a regional order based on sovereignty, transparency, and rule of law—cornerstones of the maritime commons it seeks to safeguard.

Persistent Challenges and the Maritime Road Ahead

Despite notable gains, India’s naval strategy faces structural and financial hurdles. The Navy’s budget remains the smallest among the three services, constraining its ability to match China’s enormous shipbuilding pace. Project 75I negotiations have been delayed for over a year, while cost escalations now push the program beyond $8.4 billion. Moreover, state-run shipyards are plagued with inefficiencies, delaying deliveries and increasing strategic vulnerability.

China’s advantage also lies in asymmetry. Its Southern Theater Command benefits from direct access to the IOR via Gwadar and persistent deployment from the Djibouti base. The planned induction of carrier strike groups and SSNs will further entrench PLAN’s permanent presence in the Indian Ocean. To retain its role as a net security provider, India must expedite submarine procurement, integrate long-range radar networks with AI-driven analytics, and expand regional patrols with trusted partners like France, Indonesia, and Vietnam.

Conclusion: Charting India’s Maritime Destiny

India’s evolution from a land-focused military power to a formidable maritime force is now irreversible. This transformation is driven by cutting-edge indigenous technologies, strategic acquisitions, unmanned systems integration, and expanding naval presence across the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). With its geographic centrality and increasing defense partnerships—from the Quad to bilateral agreements with France, Vietnam, and Australia—India is positioning itself not only as a net security provider but as a stabilizing anchor in a region facing relentless Chinese naval expansion. The Indian Navy’s push toward self-reliance, coupled with a robust roadmap for next-generation platforms, underscores New Delhi’s intent to control the sea lanes critical to its economic and strategic security.

As China accelerates its footprint in the IOR through submarines, port acquisitions, and dual-use infrastructure, India’s challenge is to stay ahead—through persistent maritime domain awareness, undersea deterrence, and seamless interoperability with allies. The Indian Ocean is no longer a passive strategic frontier; it is the theater where future balance-of-power contests will be decided. As Alfred Thayer Mahan observed, “Whoever controls the Indian Ocean dominates Asia.” For India, that control is no longer aspirational—it is existential. By aligning technological modernization with strategic diplomacy, India is well-equipped to shape the maritime future of the Indo-Pacific on its own terms.

Enhancing Naval Capability: India’s Strategic Response to the Growing Chinese Presence in the Indian Ocean